Peru’s situation and perspectives in the context of Latin America

1. Imperialism and Latin America
 
The American imperialism is carrying, for more than two decades, an integral strategy of neo-colonization in Latin America, executing more forcefully in the last years, specific plans of military, economic, political, commercial and diplomatic intervention, with the intention of territorially controlling the region, take over it’s markets, natural and energy resources and put them to the service of the transnational capital. In this “package” are Plan Colombia, ALCA-TLC’s, System of Surveillance of the Amazon (SIVAM), The Puebla-Panama Plan, the military increment of air and military bases, Surveillance and radar spots, and the manipulation of international organisms like OAS, in cahoots with surrendering states, like Uribe’s in Colombia, Fujimori, Toledo o Alan Garcia in Peru.

The Department of Defense and the South command of the American army impulse the military and intelligence cooperation in the region with the objective of incrementing the so called “Hemispheric security” to prevent “Rebel states” (read Venezuela and Cuba) backing anti-american and supposedly terrorist popular insurgencies.  García become  involved  in backing   the American strategy  hemisphere security and interventionism.

Latin America has begun a new phase, after two decades of neo liberal fundamentalism, characterized by the search of alternatives and socio-economic change opposite to neo-liberalism, of affirmation of national and state independence, of resistance to the policy of pilferage of it’s natural resources, of social justice, development, integration and environmental defense. Large segments of the Latin American population do aspire to a new form of democratic organization, to a bigger participation in the decision making process and distribution of wealth, to feel free of external tutelage and to assume it’s identity with no prejudice nor inhibitions.

This  ascent tendency is giving way to a polarization of our region, it’s outcome demands a major unity of our peoples, leftist governments and progressive forces.

A new Latin America is possible. Nobody can guarantee the road will be clear and easy. The popular forces, of the left and progressives will raise the flag of  a integration from and for the people, necessary and possible to truly end poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. Socialist Cuba and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela with it’s leaders Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez, together with Lula of Brazil, and now Evo Morales in Bolivia incarnate the certainty and Hope of a different future for the Latin American People.

2. Neo-liberalism and structural crisis of Peruvian society

The neo-liberal model applied since the 90’s by the Fujimori and Toledo governments, and now Alan Garcia, established the primary-exporter character of Peruvian economy, bringing with it the de-industrialization of the country, crisis in Agriculture, food dependency; stagnation of internal markets, environmental contamination and the depredation of natural resources by extracting activities (mining, fishing, timber. There do exist more than 800 hundred  mining passive environments); also deepening the asphyxiating centralism that impedes the development of inner regions.

The increment of the un-payable foreign and domestic debt, public and private, more than 30,000 million dollars, it’s interest service keeps growing year after year, therefore nowadays it compromises 27 % of the general budget (PGR)

In the social aspect, Neo-liberalism promotes growth without human development, it has brought unbearable levels of poverty to about half of the population (14 out of 28 million inhabitants). It exists un-employment and sub-employment, largely incremented in Lima and most of the regions of Peru; deterioration and higher cost of  services in education, health, communications, energy;   the expenditure  of 2.8% of PBI in Education and 1.8% in health, one of the lowest index in the region;  in the immense gap that exists in distribution of national income ( one tenth of the highest earning population has 35% of national income, while  one tenth of the lowest has only 1.6% ). Misery and social fragmentation do provoke  the weakening of  cultural identity and moral values. To this is added the forced and ever growing emigration, more than 2 million Peruvians have left the country because of lack of  opportunity and dignifying work.  Another manifestation of the structural crisis is referred to the political-institutional system going thru a deep crisis, loss of prestige and legitimacy.

The manicured numbers of PBI growth and exports in the last years, in reality obey to an expansive cycle of the world economy, to the international increment of mineral prices like gold, copper, zinc and molibdeno as for the money transfers of Peruvians working in the exterior (more than 1,500 million dollars per year). This growth is not sustained in time, does not obey to an increment in productivity nor to any expansion of internal markets, and has not means of solution to any of the structural problems mentioned, much less meant human development nor sustainable for the 28 million Peruvians.

The great beneficiaries of this type of economic growth have been the trans-nationals corporations that operate in Peru, it’s minor partners, intermediaries, and lobbyists, as, also, the  great financial bourgeoisie. For instance more than 278 companies, amongst them many trans-nationals, have incentives and tax exonerations as a result of “Legal  stability” just like, for example, we have that the biggest 24 Mining companies  will have, in 2006,  5,250 million US dollars in net profits and only will pay 300 million in taxes as contribution to the Peruvian treasury.  

3. The APRA- Right-Fujimori coalition for neo-liberal continuity

In the last general election, April-June, APRA’s candidate Alan Garcia Perez won in the second round backed by a coalition of parties and political forced of the center and the ultra –conservative right including the corrupt and genocidal party of Fujimori, with a unique program : To preserve and deepen the  neo-liberal with a “human face” following the directives of the World Bank, in order to guarantee the “governability”  in a country and society that  is boiling
.
One hundred days after being installed in the government palace President Garcia has thrown away electoral promises like The “not signing” of the TLC, The free de-affiliation  of  Private Pension funds (AFP’s), the re-negotiation of   the Camisea Gas and Mining contracts, the fight against Fujimori-Montesinos corruption, etc. Also He, Garcia, has the backing of the  established and “big” Media, tv, radio and press with which he gets a fictitious and temporary consensus.

The APRA-Right-Fujimori coalition pretends to re-enforce the failed Neo-liberal Economic-social model. It’s projection is   finish privatizing-concessioning state companies and public services ( water, electricity, oil, mines, air and sea ports, highways, woods, etc.) preserving the legal guaranties given by Fujimori; recently, president Garcia stopped the elimination of the unjust and abusive “basic rent” that has allowed Telefonica from Spain to get “Over-profits” of more than 4,500 millions dollars.

Consequents with the Neo-liberal fundamentalism, companies’ executives and the government do demand more flexibility and deregulation against the rights of workers. Instead in the  labor union  terrain there is a open interventionism. 

In the Corruption front the dominant block, it’s parties and characters are assuring impunity for themselves, by allowing pacts and political deals, and legal technicalities for their crimes not to proceed due to time limits  ( of 1,587 cases of corruption, there have been only less than 100).   APRA and the Fujimorismo do give each other concessions and pay each other favors, So it would not be surprising  that Fujimori would easily return to the country soon enough.

What scares the Right and American imperialism is the Unhappiness of the majority, expressed in political, social and electoral actions, whose “radicalism” can generate situations similar to the ones in Venezuela, Bolivia or even Mexico.

With that objective it’s indispensable for them to de-legitimize, fragment and demolish anti  neo-liberal, nationalistic, leftist and socialist forces, to de-articulate the social-labor union movement .

4. CONTINUING OR CHANGE : IMPULSE A NATINALISTIC, DEMOCRATIC
    AND POPULAR FRONT

The stage of class struggle in Peru has as fundamental characteristic a tendency to political and social polarization that has not ended yet and it’s deepening and outcome should happen soon in the next few years.

The past general elections (April-June ’06)  also expressed this tendency, Having Ollanta Humal Tasso of UPP-PNP against Alan Garcia Perez of APRA facing each other as main political contenders, forcing the neo-liberals and the right of center sectors like Unidad Nacional with Lourdes Flores and Alianza for the Future of the extraditable Fujimori , as of Accion Popular of Valentin Paniagua to go with the later.

This political polarization also swept , the left, off the electoral stage  to which it went divided, even though some efforts for unity  were made by The wide Leftist Front FAI and our party. It has shown the immaturity of the Left, nationalism and progressives.

On  the coming Nov. 19th there will be Municipal and Regional elections, where all the parties of the right, including APRA,, Parties of the Left, PNP of Humala and it’s former ally UPP, as also the regional and local movements will run fragmented on their own almost all of them. In this instance, PC of P-PR and MNI have made some regional and local  alliances . In the regions of Pasco, Cajamarca, Amazonas, Huanuco, Puno and some provinces of Cusco, Apurimac, Arequipa, Junin, and Lima including the provinces belonging to the regions mentioned.

This time some progress has been made in terms of unity be the Left, Nationalism and progressives  with the hope of consolidation, beyond the November elections the political struggle and the action plans  together looking forward towards the construction of a Wide front of all the opposition.

Ollanta Humala  case, we can see  in his limits and possibilities. Humala in one year made possible to put together an improvised political party, essentially election bound and with him as It’s “caudillo”, with nationalist proposals  in the defense of the freedom and independence of the neglected segments of the  Population, the revision of the contracts with transnational corporations, and the fight against corruption, it identified itself with the military and reformist government of general Juan Velasco Alvarado. In the international stage it got close to Presidente Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Fidel Castro in Cuba.

As of today, it’s weak forged alliances, that initially gave it important representation and first minority in Congress has dissolved at the time it’s getting ready for the Nov. elections where it should suffer a considerable loss of votes because of their own mistakes and the concentrated attacks from the right .

The political future of Ollanta Humala will depend on his capacity to assume a historic role in the construction of a great nationalistic, anti neo-liberal and  popular front for change , Or if he dilapidates the popular backing, lowers it’s program, becomes sectarian and opts for minor interests to adapt to the system, he’ll become another shooting star in the political firmament.

For all been said, it’s a fundamental task of our party and the left to unite the political forces that want change and do coincide with The New Course, which is to work with more conviction to amalgamate the One Leftist Social Political Front, anti neo-liberal, nationalistic, democratic and de-centralizing, with a  political vision that will participate and  at the same time transcend the electoral contest, able to confront and unmask the neo-liberal and pro-imperialist program and government.

5. NEW COURSE, POPULAR DEMOCRACY, AND SOCIALISM

Marx said ;”The principle of politics is the will”, that does not mean willingness not linked to a objective reading of reality, instead, see the political struggle as collectively organized will to transform society. Our general tactic is expressed in the New Course, and as a fundamental task to triple  accumulation of forces in the political terrain, of people (masses), of culture and of ideas,  nevertheless, all of this does not have any sense if we do not focus  towards a greater goal  which is to look for a change in the correlation of the forces of society towards the construction of a new Historic Block.

The political of the left, our party in particular has the historic mission to create conscience, to persuade, to organize, unify, signal a way and bring to action and guide the workers and the Peruvian people towards the conquest of the emancipation and construction of the New Course and a New Peru towards Socialism.  That is to say: create the subjective conditions that would make it possible a change in the correlation of forces.

The lineaments and program of the New Course proposed by our Party and the Movement of  the New Left MNI are still current. To open a New Course for the country as part of the process for  Popular, National, Democratic Revolution, means to fight to establish a New Republic a new Constitution, a project for National development  and a Democratic, nationalistic and popular government. Change or continue with more of the same is still today the contradiction to resolve, it’s solution in favor of the people depends of the political correlation we build. For that it’s indispensable to cement the foundations for a Popular Movement, organized, articulated and in action, and develop a consistent and solidly firm fight in the field of ideas and culture.

6. THE UNITY OF COMMUNISTS

In Peru we’ve been working for the unity of communists, we have conscience of the necessity to reconstruct the party founded by Mariategui. It’s our duty to extract lessons
From the History of our parties, it’s successes and it’s mistakes in order to advance towards unity, not an easy task because of rooted prejudices we need to overcome.
Up to now we’ve had, together, struggles, actions, common declarations and pronouncements, we’ve impulse the Wide Leftist Front  FAI that participated in the elections. Ahead we’ve proposed ourselves to go forward with in subjects of the program, party organization, and conduction of the movement of masses. The class enemy’s offensive and the historic process make it an imperative.

In the international level we do consider indispensable to solidify the relation between the communist and workers parties, affirming the proletariat internationalism, the solidarity, and mutual respect. For that we do salute the brilliant initiative of this International  Meeting  that should be institutionalized as a forum of exchange of experiences and search for answers to the problems of our times.