Dear comrades, dear friends, a big greeting to all present, to our guests and to the delegates.

Allow me a special greeting to all of you, but particularly to the comrades and friends who ensured the smooth running of the assembly. The comrades who were here supporting the delegates, took care of the lunch, organised this entire space. A big greeting for your commitment, your militancy and your dedication. Thank you very much.

Allow me also a well-deserved emphasis and perhaps a slight provocation. The well-deserved emphasis is a greeting to our Avante!, to our newspaper Avante!, present here to cover this grand assembly. The slight provocation is because I would have liked to be able to greet the rest of the journalists present here as well, but there aren't any. There aren't any. We're sorry. They're at a loss. They lost a great day of work at a great assembly. An assembly connected to life, to reality, to the needs, to the aspirations, to the rights of this people, of these people, of the youth. An assembly connected to the workers, an assembly of an X-ray of the reality and proposals of solutions. The comrades, in a warm and enthusiastic manner, have just approved their political resolution. It was important, well-attended, built with many proposals, the inclusion of those proposals, and approved unanimously and by acclamation. Now, the most difficult, but also the most exciting, part remains: fulfilling each and every decision made in this same resolution.

An assembly of struggle, of resistance, but also an assembly where the power of the general strike was forcefully expressed—that grand affirmation of workers' unity that took place last Wednesday. Many who had never been on strike before participated in this strike, people with permanent and precarious employment, women and youth and, significantly, a very important group of immigrant workers. A general strike that, unlike those who present themselves as the true "employees of the month" of the employers' confederations, had an impact throughout the country, with strong expression in various sectors of activity, whether in the public or private sector: in industry, transport, public administration, local administration, healthcare, education, social security, justice, finance, but also in culture and the media. The strike was so strong and impactful that they had to unleash everything they have in their discourse and actions against the strike. They put all their eggs in one basket. Then came the hate speech against trade unions and workers, and a tired, reactionary anti-communist discourse, the most decaying we've ever heard. Surely there are some who still think they're in 1973, under the cover of those dark times. They think so, but they're mistaken. There were the hypocrites, those who live well with precarious work – because precarious work is never for them, it's always for the vast majority, especially the young. Those who live well with other people's fixed-term contracts, with other people's fake self-employment receipts, with other people's difficulties and intermittent work. There are those who sleep peacefully, because they don't have to work night shifts. They don't have to work shifts, on weekends, like more than two million workers. For these hypocrites, there's no problem, because they don't work shifts, they don't see their children also grow up in shifts. That's what happens to thousands of workers in our country.

There we have the hypocrites, relaxed, because they know that more work and unpaid labour are not for them – that's what they want to impose with the labour package. They speak from the comfort of their comfortable lives, because they are not the ones who have to manage the difficult life, the meagre wages, and the ever-increasing bills to pay every month, every day. The more they attack the trade unions and the unitary trade union movement, the more people will join unions. And the more they attack the Party of the workers, the more workers will join the Party of the workers, our Party.

The more they attack the strike, the more its strength stands out, the more evident its impact is on companies, workplaces, the thousands of picket lines, the hundreds of strike squares, the dozens of demonstrations throughout the country. With all the limitations, with all the propaganda, manipulation, and silencing, with all the whining before the strike – the reasons were not understood, that it was an inopportune, untimely strike – even so, after the strike, just listen to them. With their candid, calm demeanour, without blinking, they fill their mouths and say: "Strikes are a right. We respect the right to strike"—and they add: "as long as they don’t strike. Strike pickets are enshrined in the Constitution, they are very important, "as long as they don’t do anything." That is the true and only logic in those people's minds: a strike is good as long as nobody strikes. We say: a strike is a right to be exercised with all the laws, with all the norms that the Constitution of the Republic enshrines for workers, for their pickets, and for the response that needs to be given. Even under all this pressure and blackmail, the workers once again gave the necessary response. The strike was at the right time and place. And the strike, however painful it may be for them, had a strong impact and mobilised those who work. The strike isolates the hasty, fearful government, a government that is as arrogant as it is cowardly. This is what this government revealed by hastily scheduling the discussion of the labour package in the Legislative Assembly for June 18. It is distressed and knows it is defeated. Now it is necessary to continue the struggle so that the package is definitively defeated.

Those very same who want to put their feet on the backs of those who work have the audacity to accuse workers and our party of wanting everything to remain the same. If there is anyone who knows, feels, lives, and urgently needs change and a break with the current situation, it is not the employers or the government – ​​it is the workers. Therefore, when workers demand higher and better wages, it is because they know there is profound injustice in the distribution of wealth. When they demand the application of the constitutional principle of "equal pay for equal work," it is because they know there is profound wage discrimination, first against women, who work the same hours, in the same places, and earn less than men. When they demand that the permanent need for work corresponds to a permanent employment contract, it is because they feel firsthand that there are thousands of workers on temporary contracts, day contracts, fixed-term contracts, who could and should be permanent because they are needed every day and also have the right to a contract that gives them security and stability. When workers demand career advancement, it's because they know they're being trampled on, that their careers are stagnant, and they know that this SIADAP system (The integrated system for management and performance evaluation in Public Administration), which pushes thousands of local and public administration workers towards unfair evaluations, needs to end.

When workers demand and fight for a fair reduction in working hours, it's because there's no one who can explain to them how, in these technologically advanced times, when it seems we are all threatened by machines, by artificial intelligence, by this era of so much scientific evolution, they want each of us to work even more hours. We don't need more hours. We need to put science at the service of those who work to reduce working time, to increase quality of life, and to be able to advance towards a better life, to which we are entitled.

If there's anyone who knows that change is necessary, and who wants that change, it's the workers. But it's about change for the better, not going backwards, because more precariousness isn't improvement – ​​it's going even further backwards. Increasing the flexibility of working hours isn't about improving life, it's about making life even more difficult. Dismissing for just cause isn't about improving the lives of those who work, it's about improving the lives of those who want to dismiss. Further squeezing wages – already miserable – certainly isn't about improving anyone's life. The battle we are waging, the fight for rights, is a battle for the rights of today's workers, but it's also a fight for those who have already retired and, above all, for the workers who will enter the job market in the future. That's why this is everyone's fight: the older ones, the younger ones, those who work, those who are retired, those who will enter the job market.

The labour package was rejected, but let no one be mistaken. Once again, as we warned before the general strike, now is not the time to wait for anything. Now is not the time to wait for the Assembly of the Republic, much less for windmill parties, parties of somersaults, parties whose word is less firm than a packet of butter in the sun. Yes, I'm talking about that party, Chega. Now is not the time to wait for others. It is time for the workers, shoulder to shoulder, united, to defeat once and for all, with their struggle and only with their struggle, the labour package. Tomorrow, on Tuesday, on Wednesday, every day, in every company, in every workplace, continue to defeat the labour package. And on June 18, when the discussion takes place in the Assembly of the Republic, we will all be there to pressure this discussion, to show the strength of those who work.

June 18, everyone to the Assembly of the Republic to pressure and defeat the labour package. June 18, everyone to the Assembly of the Republic to say no to precarious work, no to the deregulation of working hours, no to pressure on wages, no to the attack on trade unions, no to the attack on the right to strike. June 18, everyone to the Assembly of the Republic to prevent manoeuvres, somersaults, and coups. We will not give up. The package is truly destined to fall. One more push and the package will be on the ground. And, comrades, if PSD, CDS, Chega, and Iniciativa Liberal – those true puppets in the service of big capital – continue in their option to further attack the rights of those who work, then that option, sooner or later, will explode in their hands. They have the support of economic groups, they have many resources, they have a lot of money, they seek to dominate the narrative, they are installed as commentators in all media outlets, they have a lot of power, but they don't have all the power. The true strength lies in the unity of the workers, in their organisation, in their response, and in their struggle. That is where all the strength resides. And that strength can defeat the labour package, combat the rising cost of living, and pave the way for the necessary rupture and change. Rights, dignity, time to live, a better life. That is what the indispensable deserve. And the indispensable are the workers, those who create wealth, those who keep the country running, those who carry the country on their shoulders. These are the truly indispensable. Without work, there is nothing.

When they do everything to divide those who work, the only possible response from labour is unity in the struggle. That's what's needed to defeat the labour package and pave the way for this policy of injustice and inequality that is currently underway. It's difficult, it's demanding, but that's the way to overthrow the policy of a government that wants to rush through everything, very quickly. A hasty government, with a clear objective, a clear course of action: to steal, to rob, to transfer resources. That's how we have to picture the so-called single social security benefit. They want to discuss this hastily, but we want to discuss it truthfully. We want to know who receives it, why they receive it, and how much they receive. It's a discussion worth having truthfully and based on reality. Because if we do, we will conclude that there is a lot of lying, a lot of demagoguery, and a lot of hatred out there. We will also engage in this discussion to denounce the 300,000 children who are currently in poverty and those who would be even more so if they received no social security support. We know that, of the 160,000 beneficiaries of the Bolsa Família (family grant) programme, 33% are children up to 18 years old. That's the stark reality. And we are certain that we are facing a deceitful government, a government that, as I said earlier, is as arrogant as it is cowardly, because it presents this measure as a great way to combat fraud. If the government wants to combat fraud in the granting of subsidies, then it only has one thing to do: increase inspection. And to increase inspection, it only needs to hire more people, because they are essential to put the services to work.

And a government that turns a blind eye to tax evasion, that says nothing about the billions of euros that leave our country, from the wealth created, to be deposited in tax havens. A government that takes public resources and transfers them directly to the business of disease – that's what's happening with the dismantling of the National Health Service, as denounced here. A government like that, serving whomever it serves, can argue whatever it wants, but it cannot say that it is to combat fraud, because if it were to combat fraud, the government would have plenty to fight against. That's not what's at stake. The great fraud we face is the policy of this government: harsh on the weakest, bowing before the strongest. For all these demanding and challenging battles, the people, the youth and the workers have always counted, count and will count on the Portuguese Communist Party. And this was also the commitment made here today at its XI Assembly. We are here to provide encouragement, strength, to stir things up, to mobilise for this fight for a better life, a right that most of those who live and work in our country deserve.

This is the commitment made at this assembly, whose preparation did not remain within four walls, nor did the party's activity pause while the assembly was being prepared. We prepared the assembly while building the general strike. We debated while simultaneously fighting and mobilising in defence of the National Health Service (NHS) in various struggles and actions. We took the debate to the forefront of the assembly, fighting and acting in parallel on the difficulty of access to housing, in the fight for transportation, for increased pensions, for the dignity of those who have worked their entire lives, safeguarding the environment, water, and soil. We discussed life within the party, and life led us to fight against the brutal increase in the cost of living, which falls on workers, youth, pensioners, families, small business owners, farmers, and small merchants. A select few choose the path of madness, war, and militarism, and the bill always falls on the majority. Tomorrow, when we are confronted with yet another fuel price increase, when everyone goes to fill their car with petrol or diesel, when they go to buy food and pay the €260 that a food basket costs today, when they are faced with rising mortgage payments, rising interest rates, when every farmer is confronted with the brutal increase in production costs, particularly fertilizers – look closely at the bills. The bill shows the amount to be paid, the euro symbol, but also the symbols of the war parties: PSD, CDS, Chega, and Liberal Initiative. It's all there on the bills of the parties of war.

These parties of war joined the PS to reject our committee of inquiry, which sought to understand and go as far as possible in clarifying the use of the Lajes base in this crime perpetrated by the United States and Israel against Iran. We will be here to demonstrate the extent of this coup. We prepared this assembly connected to life, connected to reality. We prepared and carried it out, and we did not limit ourselves to assessments or X-rays – here, guidelines, lines of action and intervention were defined in favour of this people of work and struggle, in favour of these people of Lower Alentejo, of this land with values, with ideals, with the rights of April and the rights enshrined in our Constitution. This is the Alentejo we want to reclaim. And we are not saying to look back – we are saying to look forward, because the future is not against April. The future is with April and with the Constitution. We want this sovereign, developed Alentejo, at the service of the people. This Alentejo for the children, for the workers, for the people. This Alentejo region should not be merely a passing phase for young people, but a land where young people live, study, work, and help this land move forward.

In this assembly, we elected a new leadership, and I particularly welcome the ten new comrades who joined the regional leadership. I also echo what was said during the assembly: I welcome all those who are leaving the regional leadership but not leaving the party – on the contrary, they remain steadfast. And here, nobody is allowed to wear night slippers. Night slippers are only acceptable if it's very cold, but even then, it's for walking, not for standing still. Here they continue with new responsibilities, comrades with their feet on the ground, keeping a clear understanding of the reality in which we operate, without underestimating the difficulties, without underestimating our own shortcomings, without burying our heads in the sand. And being aware of how much we have to do, how much we have to improve, how much we have to change, with our feet on the ground and with this awareness, we have additional reasons to leave from here with all the conditions to create a stronger PCP. A stronger PCP is needed to curb the disastrous political course currently underway, now orchestrated by the PSD and CDS government, with the notable help of Chega and the Liberal Initiative, and the complicity of the Socialist Party. A stronger PCP is needed to pave the way for the necessary political alternative. Strengthening the party – that's what we have to do. First and foremost, by leveraging this valuable and unique asset, our heritage of Local Government intervention that the CDU elected officials have at the service of the people, development, and living conditions. We are all too few. Each of us, within our possibilities, needs to give a little more. We need more people, more militants, more organised fighters. It's all very demanding, difficult, but simultaneously very stimulating and challenging. And here is this 105-year-old party, with the courage to always confront those who think they own it all. Here we are to build a stronger party in a dialectical and integrated way. More party, more struggle. More struggle, more new people to strengthen the party. To build and reinforce the party boldly, taking risks with others. Just as someone once remembered and took a chance on each of us. More boldly, taking risks, recruiting, talking to those we want to be party members. Strengthening the party from the party we have, not from the party we had or the party we would like to have someday. It is from the party we have – how many we are, where we are and, above all, where we need to be and are not yet – that we must create the conditions to be there. What intervention? What initiative from the organisations? What to do to go even further? Reinforce the party where it was born and where it can never cease to be: in companies, in workplaces, with its cells functioning, with its militant organisation, giving strength, encouragement and confidence to workers and, especially, to young people. Strengthening the party for ideological confrontation – a confrontation waged intensely and with unequal means – with confidence and persistence, taking the initiative to strengthen this party that does not drift with the wind, does not yield to fear, does not yield to blackmail, threats, or lies. This party is the great party of convergence, but it harbours no illusions and has never abandoned, nor will it ever abandon, the people, the workers, and the youth. The party of freedom, democracy, sovereignty, and national independence, the party of the values ​​of April, the party based on history, culture, and the heroic struggle of our people.

And, comrades, we are in a region that is what it is also because there is a party like ours, the Portuguese Communist Party. But we are also what we are because of this party, because we intervene and we have people from this land. One thing is deeply connected to the other. The struggle of the people of Alentejo is the struggle of the Portuguese Communist Party. The struggle of the Portuguese Communist Party is the struggle, the history, the action and the intervention of the people of the Lower Alentejo.

This patriotic and simultaneously internationalist party, solidary, anti-imperialist, solidary with the struggle of the peoples, with Palestine, with socialist Cuba, with all the peoples who confront imperialism. A party with its own project, ideal, struggle, experience and construction. A party to which we are proud to belong. And, comrades, allow me this statement: it is a source of pride to have in the party people who today have a great deal of accumulated experience, an experience that comes from years and years of intervention, life and struggle. It's true, we need and are recruiting new people for the party, but it is with enormous satisfaction, gratitude, and pride that we affirm that we want new people and are getting new people, but we don't relinquish anyone who brought us this far. No one, no matter how old – they are all missed. They brought us this far. They were and are builders of this party. They were and are builders of freedom. They are all missed here. No one is superfluous here.

And here we are. Aware of the difficulties, with our feet on the ground, but here we are, confident, to respond to the new challenges. We will find the answer to the new challenges and demands. Here we are for the rupture and for the change that is necessary. Here we are to open the path of hope. Here we are to transform the dream into life. This XI Assembly made a great contribution to this objective, to this confidence and to this audacity that we need to continue having. The workers of Lower Alentejo, the people of Lower Alentejo, the youth of Lower Alentejo need this Party, with this project, with this ideal, with the horizon of socialism and communism in the construction and evolution of humanity.

Long live the workers' struggle!

Long live the Alentejo!

Long live the Portuguese Communist Youth!

Long live the Portuguese Communist Party!